PDI-P Enters a Decisive Period

The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) is a phenomenon in the politics of this country. Born from the womb of the reform movement of 1998 and successfully winning the hearts of the people in three legislative elections, 2014, 2019, and 2024, this political party, which carries on the ideals of Bung Karno, is now navigating towards an increasingly turbulent political climate.

The first political upheaval that is immediately apparent is the political direction of PDI-P in this era of governance. Defining the party not as an opposition, but rather as a strategic partner and a balancing force is certainly not easy and may not be politically inexpensive.

The call from Chairperson Megawati Soekarnoputri to all of her cadres to support the government of Prabowo Subianto, in order to back "all positive efforts" to safeguard the nation, confront fiscal crises, deficits, foreign debt payments, geopolitical challenges, and global economic pressures, has quite surprised the public.

Information that appears to be intended for internal consumption was published on the Antara website, Friday (1/8/2025). Quoting the Chairman of the DPP PDI-P, Deddy Yevri Sitorus, at the PDI-P Technical Guidance event in Bali, the call suggests that the current government programs could also become a "political burden" for PDI-P cadres in parliament, despite the numerous criticisms directed at these matters by PDI-P previously.

The results of the VI PDI-P Congress in Bali, held on August 1-2, 2025, have also established Megawati Soekarnoputri as the Chairperson of PDI-P for the sixth time amidst a national political constellation saturated with political "rivalries" involving former presidents and former presidential candidates.

Among them, political stability at the elite level has yet to be established even by the eighth month of the administration. Allegations regarding the fake diploma of the 7th President Joko Widodo, the involvement of a "big figure" behind the case, and the attempts to impeach Vice President Gibran Rakabuming Raka have created a public narrative that is chaotic and devoid of meaning for the interests of the people.

Also, look at the people's programs such as Free Nutritious Meals (MBG), the Red and White Cooperative, and the Food Estate program, which have sparked criticism from some members of the public. Various weaknesses in governance, concerns about corruption, and doubts about sustainability have led the public to tend to distance themselves from supporting the government.

The granting of amnesty to the resigned Secretary General of the DPP PDI-P, Hasto Kristiyanto, by President Prabowo Subianto, on one hand, provides a breath of fresh air for the stability of elite politics, a sense of relief for the leadership of PDI-P, and an opportunity for consolidation for cadres who are currently "conflicted" in determining the position of secretary general following the 3.5-year prison sentence verdict.

However, on the other hand, this opens a kind of "Pandora's box," namely the political communication relationship between President Prabowo and Megawati, who previously ran together in the presidential nomination in 2009, with Megawati as the presidential candidate and Prabowo as the vice-presidential candidate.

Both lead as general chairmen of nationalist political parties, PDI-P and Gerindra, which share some common nationalist principles and spirit, reflected in their party charters and bylaws. These include the Pancasila ideology and the 1945 Constitution, nationalist and democratic identity, the concept of participation, a focus on the common people (wong cilik), and the ideological legacy of Bung Karno.

However, along the way, Prabowo increasingly emphasized a more socialist direction of nationalism, which is reflected in key development programs, including MBG and Koperasi Merah Putih. The public perceives that the role of the state will be much stronger and will "discipline" citizens with a more socialist-tinged approach.

In addition, it is widely acknowledged that the current situation of government implementation is more neopatrimonial in nature, where formal state institutions operate alongside informal practices of patronage, personalism, and personal loyalty to leaders. Power is also exercised through patron-client networks that provide positions, resources, or protection in exchange for loyalty.

Prabowo's amnesty, while widely recognized as the president's prerogative, is limited. Not everyone was happy with the president's amnesty, particularly the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK), which had previously appealed the judge's decision.

On the side of PDI-P, it is undeniable that this political party appears to be constrained by the case involving its Secretary-General Hasto Kristiyanto, despite the numerous controversies surrounding the "criminalization" that accompany the course of this case.

If he does not receive amnesty, Hasto, who was sentenced to 3.5 years in prison, will not be released until around mid-2027, taking into account the reduction of his sentence, the granting of remissions, and the provision of probation.

Throughout this period, the implementation of the party's organizational structure functions will inevitably be somewhat shaken due to the absence of an administrative head and Megawati's "right hand" in an organization as large as PDI-P. Administrative order, the firmness of internal regulations, and "vertical loyalty" have long been the lifeblood of the management and cadres of PDI-P, successfully executed by the Secretary-General over two terms.

The most challenging test faced by PDI-P in the reform era was during the period when there was a "parting of ways" between PDI-P and President Joko Widodo, who instead supported the presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto-Gibran Rakabuming Raka. There was a time when Hasto's efforts to uphold party discipline were truly difficult.

It's not easy to find qualified, loyal, and capable members who can survive the difficult times of the 2024 elections and still win the legislative elections with 16.72 percent of the valid vote. Given this situation, it's understandable that, until the conclusion of the PDI-P's 6th Congress in Bali, the position of Secretary General still seemed to be "in limbo," held by General Chair Megawati Soekarnoputri.

Furthermore, the impact on the party's image will worsen due to the growing issue of corruption within the party. This national Kompas survey reveals the fading public image of the "Bunga" party.

In terms of the strength of its political image in society, the PDI-P appears to bear the heaviest burden in the public eye compared to other major political parties. Citing the results of a national survey by Kompas conducted earlier this year (January 2025), only 56.3 percent of respondents expressed the PDI-P's image as a "good" party.

In comparison to public perceptions of the positive image of Golkar (76.5 percent), the image of Gerindra (88.3 percent), the image of PKB (78.6 percent), the image of Nasdem (76.5 percent), the image of PKS (75.2 percent), the image of Demokrat (81.4 percent), and the image of PAN (72.6 percent).

If we examine the background of age, it appears that the perception of a positive image is more frequently expressed by the older age group (41-60 years) compared to the younger age group. The elderly group (over 60 years) constitutes the smallest composition that appreciates the positive image of PDI-P. They even tend to assess the image of the bull party negatively.

Similarly, when traced from the background of education levels and socioeconomic classes, there appears to be a tendency that the higher the education level and socioeconomic class, the more pessimistic the perception of PDI-P becomes.

Meanwhile, when traced from the background of the respondents' domicile, whether rural-urban or based on the island of residence, no significant differences appear in the assessment of the image of the bull party.

On reflection, the dim image of the "Bull Party" could be merely a bandwagon effect, stemming from PDI-P's perceived political position as a party perceived as "losing" to the winning coalition. If that's the case, the image damage can be ignored for now.

However, the opposite condition must also be monitored, namely that the image of the bull party is indeed perceived as relatively poor substantively due to various issues occurring within the party. For instance, in the case of corruption issues involving cadres from the bull party.

In the last five years, eight cadres of PDI-P have been recorded as having been arrested/detained by the KPK, starting with Minister of Social Affairs Juliari Batubara in 2020, South Sulawesi Governor Nurdin Abdullah in 2021, Semarang Mayor Hevearita Gunaryanti, and up to the Secretary-General of the DPP PDI-P Hasto Kristiyanto in 2025.

If that is what happens, it is increasingly appropriate to heed the message conveyed by the Chairperson of the DPP PDI-P, Puan Maharani, when opening the Technical Guidance event for all members of the DPR and DPRD from PDI-P in Bali (30/7/2025), urging all cadres to "dare to conduct self-criticism" before criticizing external parties.

That statement deserves emphasis because it is not easy to conduct self-criticism within an organization as large as PDI-P, especially in a condition that is currently "wounded" by cases from the campaign period of the 2024 elections to the sentencing of Secretary-General Hasto Kristiyanto.

Although throughout the court examination process of the case until the reading of the verdict, the solidarity of the DPP PDI-P management was evident in accompanying Hasto, the politicization from the opposing side was also significant. The narrative in the public space continues to be directed towards this political party to create a negative image of the bull party. Can PDI-P refute that narrative and those accusations?

Beyond the image problem, the narrative depicting PDI-P's original and historical identity is also increasingly challenged. Other parties are now using the slogan "party of the little people" and are gaining a stronger electoral foothold in PDI-P strongholds like Central Java.

Furthermore, the narrative as the "voice of the people" or the successor of Bung Karno "the proclaimer" is now widely expressed and even internalized by major nationalist political parties. This is entirely acceptable as these symbols do not hold exclusive rights to any single political force.

Ultimately, only one or two pillars of image remain as the "weapons of political contestation" for PDI-P at present, namely the spirit of struggle-nationalism-justice and the figure of Megawati Soekarnoputri, who is recognized by both friends and foes as the guardian of the constitution.

With such a political setting, it appears that Megawati Soekarnoputri's position as General Chairperson remains highly sought after by the PDI-P, and this was achieved through her acclamation of re-election. While this has led to negative accusations of a lack of democratization, it still appears crucial for the party's continued solidarity during this time of crisis.

The senior officials of the PDI-P seem to have recognized the position and challenges faced by this white-nosed bull party concerning the technocratic image of political parties, yet they continue to strive to maintain the traditional-historical spirit that the party possesses.

In the past, this invisible force successfully united the people's movement into a political movement that overthrew the New Order. From 1993 to 1996, the leadership of Megawati Soekarnoputri, Bung Karno's charismatic daughter, attracted support from the younger generation and grassroots groups disillusioned with the status quo.

The "Kudatuli 1996" incident, in which an attack occurred on the PDI DPP office on Diponegoro Street, did not diminish but rather strengthened the spirit and image of PDI-P as a symbol of resistance against the regime that mobilized the people and pro-democracy youth activists.

Currently, PDI-P requires a "new face translation" in front of the public that is more practical and situational while still being deeply rooted in the traditions of democracy, justice, and concern for the common people, amidst the increasing entanglement of politics with mere electoral numbers.

The young and first-time voter group, which comprises more than half of the electorate, has increasingly expressed doubts about political choices and has shown signs of widespread apathy in recent elections. On the other hand, they have also become the target of all political parties that are transforming their image to appear "youthful" by nominating young candidates, including artists, and even very young party leaders.

All of this presents a real challenge for PDI-P at a time when one issue regarding the "criminalization" verdict of the party's secretary-general has been resolved. If it does not quickly take steps that can provide a political differentiation with a new face, it will be difficult for this party to attract young voters amidst the diminishing support from older voters.

Puan Maharani's emphasis in her opening speech at the Technical Guidance in Bali (Kompas, July 30, 2025) was perhaps spot-on. "In the past, the PDI-P has always been identified as a party for the little people and the youth. What about the future? We must be able to carry out real political work to remain a party for the little people and the youth," Puan said.

The key words of Puan Maharani's speech were: real, people-oriented work, a focus on the problems of the common people, and reviving the dynamic spirit of youth. This means restoring the strength and loyalty of the PDI-P through strengthening symbols, historical narratives, and youthful attitudes, ultimately creating in-group solidarity. This is likely the right step to address the numerous issues facing the PDI-P as it enters this crucial moment. (KOMPAS LITBANG)